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We are approaching the 80th anniversary of the end of the deadliest war in human history. The dates May 8 and May 9 carry dramatically different meanings depending on where you are—and who is telling the story.
In the United States and most of Europe, May 8 is Victory in Europe Day (VE Day)—the day Nazi Germany officially surrendered to Allied forces in 1945. It is a time to honor the dead, reflect on the horrors of global conflict, and uphold a collective vow:
Never Again.
But in Russia, it’s May 9 that dominates public memory. Known as Victory Day, it has transformed over the last two decades into a state-sponsored display of military might and nationalist fervor—framed not around remembrance, but triumph. Its new message?
“We Can Do It Again.”
English: We can do it again
What Does the World Commemorate on May 8?
In the United States, May 8 is acknowledged with reverence and humility. There are no mass military parades. Instead, veterans’ groups hold local ceremonies, museums host exhibits, and educators focus on the historical complexity of the war. The emphasis is on shared sacrifice—by Americans, Europeans, and Allied nations across the globe.
In Western Europe, the tone is even more solemn. Countries like France, Germany, Italy, and the UK observe VE Day with wreath-layings, speeches, and moments of silence. Many leaders use the day to speak not of victory, but of reconciliation and responsibility.
In Germany, May 8 is not a victory day—it is remembered as the "Day of Liberation" from Nazism and dictatorship.
In France, it's a national holiday of quiet dignity, honoring the Resistance and the fallen.
In the UK, it’s a day of remembrance, often linked with November 11 (Remembrance Day), where poppies symbolize mourning.
The phrase that resonates in Europe is:
“Never Again”—to genocide, to totalitarianism, to the horrors of war.
What Changed in Russia?
For decades after WWII, the Soviet Union marked May 9 with pride but also restraint. The slogan that dominated Soviet films and literature in the 1950s and ’60s was not aggressive—it was “лишь бы не было войны” ("as long as there’s no more war"). Veterans were honored, but war was portrayed as something too painful to glorify.
That changed in the 2000s. Under President Putin, May 9 was remilitarized. Soviet nostalgia was recast into a new narrative: Russia as the sole savior of Europe, with little mention of American, British, Canadian, or even Ukrainian efforts in the war.
A key moment came in 2014, after Russia invaded Crimea. That year, stickers and slogans began to appear with a disturbing phrase:
“Можем повторить” — “We Can Do It Again.”
This slogan, now commonplace at May 9 parades, on car decals, and across social media, doesn’t commemorate the past—it threatens the future.
A quick Google search reveals dozens of publicly available photos illustrating the widespread popularity of such slogans in Russia. Many Russians decorate their cars with them for May 9th, transforming what is officially a day of remembrance into a militarized cult of victory.
‘[Going] To Berlin after German girls!’ — What Sounds Like a Slogan, Is Actually a Threat
On the last collage, you can see cars decorated with the phrase “На Берлин за немками!!!” “[Going] To Berlin after German girls!!!” — a slogan often displayed on ‘patriot’s’ cars in Russia ahead of Victory Day on May 9. While it may seem like a crude or ironic nod to World War II history, the reality behind this phrase is deeply disturbing.
In this context, “za nemkami” (after the German girls) is not an innocent reference to German wives or romantic pursuits. It is a euphemism rooted in the historical reality of mass sexual violence committed by the Red Army during the Soviet advance into Germany in 1945. This phrase represents not only the glorification of that violence, but its normalization — even celebration — as part of a broader militarized culture.
Tens of thousands — and by some estimates, over two million — women in Germany and Central Europe were raped by Soviet soldiers at the end of the war. These atrocities were widespread and often carried out with impunity. When slogans like “[Going] To Berlin after the German girls!” reappear on car windows, bumper stickers, or parade vehicles, they serve as a chilling reminder of how acts of war-time brutality can be reframed as symbols of victory. These messages do not commemorate peace — they glorify conquest and dehumanization.
Tomorrow, we’ll explore this further by examining Soviet war crimes, including sexual violence, looting, and mass executions — and how these crimes are being whitewashed or openly celebrated in today’s Russia.
The glorification extends to children as well
Baby strollers are styled as tanks, and newborns are dressed in Soviet military uniforms for commemorative photo shoots — further normalizing war imagery from the earliest age.
Where Did “We Can Do It Again” Come From?
The roots of the phrase are murky. It loosely echoes graffiti scrawled by a Red Army soldier on the walls of the Reichstag in 1945. But while that soldier had just survived the hell of war, the phrase was never part of the official Soviet memory. In fact, the canon of Soviet WWII remembrance focused on suffering, not swagger.
The modern version emerged around 2012–2014, created by anonymous designers and internet meme culture. One popular early image showed a Soviet figure assaulting a Nazi figure—not celebrating victory, but humiliating the enemy.
Russian sociologist Lev Gudkov described it as a product of resentment-based nationalism—a psychological compensation for social powerlessness. In his words, it's how people who feel ignored, economically marginalized, or “humiliated by the modern world” seek meaning: by claiming symbolic ownership of past glory.
By putting on a St. George ribbon or chanting “We Can Do It Again,” they become, in their minds, part of the victorious army—even if they never served, never sacrificed, and never faced war’s terror.
World War II started in 1939, not in 1941
You may have also noticed that, unlike the American and European tradition of marking the years of World War II as 1939–1945, Russia typically uses 1941–1945. This discrepancy reflects a deliberate framing of history: in Russian historical memory, the war officially began with Nazi Germany’s invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941 — a period referred to as the ‘Great Patriotic War.’
The earlier years of the conflict, including the 1939 invasion of Poland, are often downplayed or omitted in Russian narratives. This is partly because, just weeks before the outbreak of war, the Soviet Union signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany — a non-aggression treaty that included secret protocols for dividing Eastern Europe into spheres of influence. Under this agreement, the USSR invaded eastern Poland in September 1939, shortly after Germany’s attack from the west. Acknowledging these events complicates the simplified narrative of the Soviet Union as a purely defensive power in World War II.
Why This Matters Now
The slogan “We Can Do It Again” or “We Can Repeat” is no longer metaphor. In 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine, justifying it through twisted WWII rhetoric—calling Ukrainians “Nazis,” denying Ukrainian identity, and framing the war as a continuation of the Great Patriotic War.
Putin himself has avoided using “We Can Do It Again” in public—but his speeches are filled with its essence: vindictive, revisionist, and imperial. His February 2022 addresses were saturated with the language of historical grievance and a longing for dominance.
Today, May 9 in Russia no longer honors the dead—it serves the living who prepare for more war.
Two Narratives. One Truth.
May 8 in the West stands for peace, accountability, and memory.
May 9 in Putin’s Russia has become a festival of conquest, distorted history, and ideological preparation for aggression.
Let’s not forget:
- WWII was won by a coalition—not one nation alone.
- Over 7 million Ukrainians fought in the Red Army.
- The United States lost over 400,000 soldiers fighting Nazism.
- The war began not in 1941, but in 1939, when both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union invaded Poland.
This May, let’s defend truth against propaganda.
Let’s remember the war—not repeat it.
Let’s honor the dead—not use them.
To learn more about the nature and evolution of Russian propaganda, we encourage you to watch the panel discussion featuring leading experts in the field, recorded during the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation’s March 27–28, 2025 summit, Who Wins in Ukraine?