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The Russian war against Ukraine and the West shows no signs of letting up; indeed, the Russian missile and drone attacks against civilian targets are increasing.
One of Putin’s deterrence attack dogs, former president Dmitry Medvedev, who periodically reiterates warnings about Russia’s nuclear capabilities, popped off again on Thursday, huffing and puffing about Russia’s nuclear capabilities.
This time, President Trump, who seems to have finally come to the realization that Putin has no interest in peace, or even a genuine ceasefire, announced he has mobilized two nuclear submarines “to be positioned in the appropriate regions” … “just in case these foolish and inflammatory statements are more than just that. Words are very important and can often lead to unintended consequences. I hope this will not be one of those instances.”
A positive step by the President.
But much more needs to be done. The reality is that Putin has made his Ukrainian objectives clear – capitulation of the military and government, and destruction of all things Ukrainian. And, only those who refuse to see believe Putin’s intentions stop at Ukraine.
A ceasefire or a negotiated settlement that leaves any Russians on Ukrainian territory would be putting off the inevitable. Russia will not stop until it is stopped.
“Stop the killing” is important, but how the killing is stopped is critical.
Russia must be defeated, and that is not beyond achievable. Ukraine has proved it could do so if it is provided what is needed, and neither Washington nor our allies have ever committed to a Ukrainian victory.
What does it take for Washington and Europe to grasp the obvious?
It is time for such an open, public, unequivocal commitment to get Ukraine everything it needs to defeat Russia.
In this general context, Washington also needs an unequivocal commitment to our American military, making certain the United States has the military needed in this modern and dangerous world.
Below is an excellent opinion piece from the Washington Post. The authors are Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY), Chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Defense Appropriations and the recent recipient of the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation’s Star of Ukraine Award, and Senator Chris Coons (D-DE), a member of the Senate Committees on Appropriations and Foreign Relations.
How to ensure America is ready for the next war
Investment in the U.S. military is lacking. Our bipartisan defense spending bill can help.
August 1, 2025 at 5:30 a.m.
By Mitch McConnell and Chris Coons
Mitch McConnell, a Republican, is a senator from Kentucky. Chris Coons, Democrat, is a senator from Delaware.
On Thursday, the Senate Appropriations Committee approved our bill that would invest $852 billion in national defense over the next fiscal year by a decisive 26-3 vote. It would restore aid to Ukraine [Emphasis is mine. RAM]
, boost assistance to our European and Pacific allies, and go beyond the president’s budget request (and the funding approved by our counterparts in the House) to modernize the U.S. military and defense industrial base to meet tomorrow’s threats. This bill is an urgently needed step in the right direction.
America’s adversaries — principally China, Russia, Iran and North Korea — are investing heavily to blunt our military advantages, threaten our interests and undermine our influence. They’re collaborating on military technology, providing each other with diplomatic cover, and otherwise facilitating one another’s aggression and hegemonic aspirations. Countering this growing alignment requires strengthening our own alliances and partnerships with smart soft-power investments in global health and humanitarian aid that deny China opportunities to supplant U.S. influence.
First, however, it means healthy investments in American hard power. On this front, we have our work cut out for us.
This year, the Pentagon has had to meet payrolls, train forces, procure weapons and sustain operations with funds based on estimates made more than a year ago. That’s because, for the first time ever, Congress and the administration funded our military through a continuing resolution at spending levels set in 2023 instead of passing an updated budget. This was a tremendous missed opportunity to make serious, full-year investments in readiness, modernization and industrial capacity, and it has already had enormous consequences.
For example, even after the one-time influx of spending Congress passed last month, the Defense Department has come to us to acknowledge significant shortfalls in critical areas such as shipbuilding and high-demand munitions. The lesson here is obvious: There is no substitute for consistent, full-year appropriations that adequately address the growing requirements of our military.
Our effort this year won’t be enough to close the gaps with our adversaries’ sustained investments. Expanding shipyard and munitions capacity, deepening stocks of critical weapons, adopting new technologies, and recruiting and retaining service members and a skilled civilian workforce will all require increased funding. Meeting the urgent needs of a military adapting to renewed major-power competition will take growing annual commitments.
For now, however, we must focus on expanding production capacity for critical munitions — from the most basic artillery rounds to cutting-edge air defense interceptors. Recent high-tempo operations, such as the U.S. Navy’s work to defend freedom of navigation against Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, have made it clear just how quickly modern warfare can deplete stockpiles of important (and expensive) weapons. We know the Pentagon’s top leaders share our commitment to deepening America’s magazines, but the president’s initial budget request was insufficient for the scale of the challenge he intends to address. The Senate’s higher allocation of $7.3 billion to fully fund and expand munitions production capacity would show we’re serious about tackling this multiyear project.
China’s naval buildup, at astonishing speed and scale, puts America’s dwindling capacity to build tomorrow’s Navy — or even maintain the fleet we have — in stark relief. The Senate’s bill would address shipbuilding misalignments and funding shortfalls that reconciliation left behind by increasing investment in critical projects such as Columbia- and Virginia-class submarines, DDG-51 destroyers, shipyard infrastructure, and workforce development by $8.7 billion.
Our bill also makes significant investments in quality of life for men and women in uniform, such as major renovations of Marine Corps barracks across many bases and a pay raise of nearly 4 percent, including funding the raise for junior enlisted members in last year’s defense authorization bill. It also fully funds child care fee assistance programs for military families for the first time.
Finally, we recognize the enormous dividends of investing in allies and partners. Our measure will help our friends — from the Baltic states to the Global South, the Indo-Pacific to the Middle East — build more capable forces, buy U.S.-made weapons and technologies, increase collective deterrence, and keep more U.S. service members out of harm’s way. Prevailing in any future fight will also draw on the lessons we continue to learn from Ukraine, a place the Army secretary rightly calls “the Silicon Valley of warfare.” Abandoning partners at the cutting edge of modern warfare would be strategic self-harm. That’s why our bill would restore funding for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative as well as programs like it that make America safer. [Emphasis is mine. RAM]
Just after the start of World War II in Europe, the chief of naval operations, Adm. Harold Stark, was instrumental in delivering what became known as the Two-Ocean Navy Act, an overdue break from years of stagnant military investment. Stark observed then that “dollars cannot buy yesterday.” If our colleagues and the administration are serious about defeating tomorrow’s threats, then we must start investing in our common defense today.
ROBERT MCCONNELL
Co-Founder, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation
Director of External Affairs, Friends of Ukraine Network
The introduction and parenthetical comments are Mr. McConnell’s and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation or the Friends of Ukraine Network (FOUN).